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Over countries have participated in these meetings and they have signed a claim for a world without nuclear weapons. The broad campaign of the civil organisations called ICAN International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear weapons is also trying to achieve a total ban on nuclear weapons. The five official nuclear powers, the so called P5 countries US, China, Russia, France and the UK have so far boycotted the conversation about the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons. These countries have instead said that the catastrophic consequences are in fact the most important feature in this area of weaponry and that is why the fear factor works.

Now, the unity of the P5 countries has recently been changed, both the US and the UK participated in the international summit in Austria held last December.

Nuclear power without nuclear proliferation? | American Academy of Arts and Sciences

The European Union has stayed silent about the question of nuclear weapons and the explanation for this is simply: France. France resists any discussion concerning nuclear disarmament. They are only strongly against widening the club of nuclear armed states.

After I was elected to the European parliament, I had conversations with my French colleagues about a Europe as a nuclear-weapons-free-zone.

The Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons

The last time this subject had been on table was right after the Second World War. For them though, the subject was a complete taboo. In France, the discussion cannot even be broached. Nor can the conversation about the relation between nuclear weapons and nuclear power. Recently I was at a European Parliament meeting, where France was criticised.

The French representative answered that the purpose of these meetings was completely unclear, and that was why France refused to participate in them. The Austrian ambassador replied that the goal was very clear: A world without nuclear weapons. Every five years, the treaty is reviewed and the EU makes up its common position towards the treaty.

There are four countries that have not signed the treaty; they have instead developed unofficial nuclear weapons. There have been great difficulties in the implementation of the treaty. In practice, the treaty has only been working to stop nuclear arms from spreading. The treaty review summit is expected to be extremely difficult. The question of solving the situation in Iran has been postponed.

In it was agreed that there will be a summit about the Middle East as a nuclear-weapons-free-zone. The countries without nuclear weapons are going to demand some evidence that nuclear disarmament is happening. They are going to demand scheduled actions instead of shaky promises. The EU has always made a common statement for these meetings. They have always been vague general statements which say that the treaty is very important and that we demand that the rest of the countries in the world also join it.

On the other hand, Ireland and Sweden want strong agreements on nuclear disarmament. In the upcoming summit in May , the whole treaty stands on a knife-edge. The EU should get itself together, unite and make a concrete first move on how to start the nuclear disarmament.

At the same time, we should start discussing Europe as a nuclear-weapons-free-zone and set an example to others. April, Report of Disarmament Commission. United Nations. New York, Cronberg T. The greatest dilemmas of European Greens are rooted in a conflict of values, as well as in the difficulty of reconciling theory and practice.


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To overcome them, Greens need to work on a political solution. How can trust be built when Politicians from France, the UK and Germany discuss their stances and those of their national parties on the military industry, drones, Afghanistan, the legacy of Joschka Fischer, among other thorny issues…. The glaring problem of how the President of the United States and the President of Russia might reliably communicate and negotiate during a limited nuclear war has never been resolved. A recent photograph of the hotline is not reassuring: it looks like a computer terminal you might find in the business center at a Marriott hotel.

Senate Committee on Armed Services and a co-founder of the Nuclear Threat Initiative, has argued against that sort of thinking for more than forty years. Like so many of the disagreements about nuclear strategy, this one cannot be settled with empirical evidence, and selecting the wrong policy could be catastrophic. On the morning of August 6, , Setsuko Thurlow, then thirteen years old, was preparing to decode messages on the second floor of the Army headquarters in Hiroshima. About twenty girls from her school worked beside her, and thousands of other middle schoolers were employed at patriotic tasks throughout the city as part of the Student Mobilization Program.

Thurlow noticed a bright bluish-white flash outside the window at A. She never saw the mushroom cloud; she was in it. She felt herself fly through the air, blacked out, and awoke pinned in the rubble of the collapsed building, unable to move.

European Union Non-Proliferation Policies Before and After the 2003 Strategy: Continuity and Change

Lying there in silence and total darkness, she had a feeling of serenity. She somehow made it out safely and realized that what was left of the headquarters was on fire. A half dozen or so other girls survived, but the rest were burned alive. The smoke and dust in the air made the morning look like twilight. As Thurlow and a few classmates left the city center and walked toward the hills, they witnessed one grotesque scene after another: dead bodies; ghostly figures, naked and burned, wandering the streets; parents desperately searching for lost children. She reached an Army training ground in the foothills, about the size of two football fields.

Every inch of ground was covered with wounded people begging for water. There seemed to be no doctors, no nurses, no medical help of any kind. Thurlow tore off strips of her clothing, dipped them in a nearby stream, and spent the day squeezing drops of water from them into the mouths of the sick and dying. At night, she sat on the hillside and watched Hiroshima burn. Thurlow was reunited with her parents.


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  7. Soldiers threw her body and that of her son into a ditch, poured gasoline on them, and set them on fire. Thurlow stood and watched, in a state of shock, without shedding a tear. Her favorite aunt and uncle, who lived in the suburbs outside Hiroshima and appeared completely unharmed, died from radiation poisoning a few weeks after the blast. After the bombing, Thurlow attended universities in Hiroshima and Lynchburg, Virginia. She married a historian and settled in Canada. She began her anti-nuclear activism in , and became a leading advocate for survivors of the atomic bombings, known as the hibakusha.

    A few years ago, I spent time with her in Stockholm, meeting with academics and legislators to discuss the nuclear threat. In her early eighties, she was sharp, passionate, tireless, and free of bitterness. Each person was loved by someone. Let us insure that their deaths were not in vain. The movement to abolish nuclear weapons began soon after the destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. On September 25, , addressing the U. General Assembly, President Kennedy gave perhaps the most eloquent speech on behalf of abolition.

    Why Does the EU Stay Silent on Nuclear Disarmament?

    That week, Kennedy also secretly met with military advisers at the White House to discuss the pros and cons of launching a nuclear surprise attack on the Soviet Union. American and Soviet troops were confronting each other in Berlin, and a war between the superpowers seemed possible. Kennedy wanted to hear the benefits of striking first.

    The casualties that would result from the Single Integrated Operational Plan seemed excessive to him: an estimated two hundred and twenty million deaths in the Soviet Union and China not including fatalities caused by fire. A Kennedy aide, Carl Kaysen, had come up with a surprise-attack plan, focussing solely on air bases and missile sites. If the United States launched a surprise attack on the Soviets, the likely American death toll was somewhere between five million and thirteen million.

    But, if the Soviets attacked the United States first, perhaps a hundred million Americans would die. The height of anti-nuclear sentiment in the United States occurred during the Reagan Administration, amid renewed tensions with the Soviet Union. The Nuclear Freeze Movement and worldwide anti-nuclear protests helped to transform Ronald Reagan from an ardent Cold Warrior into a nuclear abolitionist. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the fear of nuclear war receded, and arms-control agreements between the United States and Russia cut the number of nuclear weapons by about eighty per cent.

    Republican Presidents had proved especially effective at reducing the nuclear threat. And President George W. Bush cut it in half again. In , the abolition movement was revived by an unlikely group of people: the leadership of the American national-security establishment. A new anti-nuclear group, Global Zero, was formed in by an international assortment of military, diplomatic, and political leaders.

    He said that the United States had a moral responsibility, as the only country that has used nuclear weapons, to lead the international effort to abolish them. Nine years later, nuclear weapons have regained their sinister allure. North Korea has repeatedly threatened to launch a nuclear attack on the United States, producing elaborate videos that show the destruction of the White House and the U. During a speech by the Russian President, Vladimir Putin, in March, computer animations projected on a large screen behind him showed Russian nuclear warheads descending over the state of Florida, perhaps aimed at Mar-a-Lago.

    The current arms race between the United States and Russia betrays the same assumptions as the last one: that new weapons will be better, and that technological innovations can overcome the nuclear threat. The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists , unfortunately, agrees with him, and in January moved the hand of its Doomsday Clock to two minutes before midnight.

    The Cold War arms race between the United States and the Soviet Union has been replaced by a multipolar nuclear competition, with far more volatile dynamics. India must worry about China and Pakistan. China must deter the United States, India, and Russia. North Korea feels threatened by the United States, while some politicians in Japan and South Korea advocate developing their own nuclear weapons to counter those of North Korea.

    Nuclear terrorism poses a global threat. And everyone, it seems, hates the United States. Moreover, the aftermath of a nuclear war may be even more dire than anything anticipated during the Cold War. The latest studies suggest that a relatively small nuclear exchange would have long-term effects across the globe.

    A war between India and Pakistan, involving a hundred atomic bombs like the kind dropped on Hiroshima, could send five million tons of dust into the atmosphere, shrink the ozone layer by as much as fifty per cent, drop worldwide temperatures to their lowest point in a thousand years, create worldwide famines, and cause more than a billion casualties. An all-out war between the United States and Russia would have atmospheric effects that are vastly worse. Nor does the prospect of Armageddon loom as an effective deterrent. An eagerness to embrace death undermines the logic of nuclear deterrence, while a determination to kill may perversely uphold it.

    FISSILE MATERIALS

    It seeks to reframe public attitudes toward nuclear weapons and gain ratification of an international treaty banning them. ICAN contends that the same rationale used to outlaw chemical weapons, biological weapons, land mines, and cluster munitions—their cruel, indiscriminate harm to civilians—should be applied to the deadliest weapons of all.

    According to the World Health Organization, no nation has the medical facilities or emergency-response capability to deal with the detonation of a single nuclear weapon in a city, let alone hundreds. After a nuclear blast, as in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, survivors would have to fend for themselves. ICAN wants to stigmatize nuclear weapons, portraying them as inherently immoral and in violation of international law, not symbols of power or guarantors of national security. The treaty will attain legal force after being signed and ratified by fifty.

    It forbids the testing, development, production, acquisition, manufacture, and possession of nuclear weapons. A month later, the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to ICAN —an impressive achievement for an organization with only three full-time employees and a part-time office temp. They argue that it is poorly conceived, unverifiable, unenforceable, unrealistic, and an invitation to nuclear blackmail.

    The United States, France, and the United Kingdom declined to send a representative to the award ceremony, as a protest against the winner. Thirty-five years after President Reagan promised an American missile-defense system that would somehow blast dozens of nuclear-warhead-tipped missiles from the skies, his dream remains unfulfilled. Pursuing it, at a cost of close to two hundred billion dollars, has only pushed other nations to modernize their nuclear arsenals. A hydrogen bomb hidden in a forty-foot sailboat can do that.

    Where Are The World's Nuclear Weapons Stored?

    Nuclear wars remain unwinnable, despite fantasies to the contrary. During the last two tests of American interceptors, the missile-defense system failed to destroy a single missile launched, even when it knew the trajectory. The many grievances between the United States and Russia are serious. But they hardly justify killing billions of civilians. During a telephone call between Trump and Putin on March 20th, the two discussed resuming arms-control talks. And if a meeting between Trump and the North Korean leader, Kim Jong Un, ever occurs, Kim should be told that having nuclear weapons, for a wide variety of reasons, makes the destruction of his country more likely.

    The abolition of nuclear weapons will require unprecedented trust between nations, a strict inspection regime, and severe punishments against any country that cheats. Until the day when those things are possible, greatly reducing the number of nuclear weapons, taking ballistic missiles off of alert, and abandoning high-risk strategies will make the world a much safer place. None of that will happen until people are willing to confront the threat. I have also met with many of the top officials at our nuclear-weapon laboratories, with the leadership of the National Nuclear Security Administration the civilian agency in charge of our nuclear weapons , and with the commanding officers at the Air Force Global Strike Command, the unit responsible for our intercontinental ballistic missiles and strategic bombers.

    What these disparate groups share is a strong and sincere desire to avoid a nuclear war. I hope the spirit now animating the demonstrations against gun violence will soon offer resistance to the greatest possible form of organized violence. As government officials in Washington, Moscow, London, Paris, Beijing, New Delhi, Islamabad, Tel Aviv, and Pyongyang discuss how to update and improve their arsenals, the madness at the heart of the whole enterprise must be loudly asserted.